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before the text \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ Page: https://3d.wlu.edu/v21/pages/Baptistery/Baptistery.html Location of Annotation: -43.19, 171.99, -27.05 Camera Location: -29.478, 174.972, -29.715 Camera Looks Towards: -59.544, 167.819, -28.304 Annotation block name: The Doors of the Baptistry of San Giovanni: The Door of Andrea Pisano and Civic Ties Annotation Details:
The Baptistry of San Giovanni has three famous doors, and the south door by Andrea Pisano, depicts the life of John the Baptist, patron saint of Florence. The reliefs highlight the ties that bound the rite of Baptism to John the Baptist and the figure of John the Baptist to the city he protected. The International Cloth Merchant’s Guild commissioned Andrea Pisano to create twenty-eight panels that were to be appended to the south doors in 1330. They were completed and installed in 1336. The south doors of the Baptistery were particularly important to the residents of the city. Florentines entered the building through this portal during the Baptismal procession, which culminated in the act of baptism and resulted in the conferral of citizenship on the infant receiving baptism. Once this sacred ritual of baptism was finished, the entourage of friends and family exited the Baptistery through those same south doors in which they entered, providing a cyclical experience of a consistent visual catalog tied to the very act of baptism itself and the city of Florence. The scenes on the doors that faced the piazza reminded passersby of their own experiences as witnesses of the baptisms of their children, grandchildren, and godchildren. Baptism was a binding force of Florentine society that both welcomed children into the citizenry of Florence and created social bonds and networks of patronage between families through the selection of godparents. Andrea Pisano devoted twenty of the twenty-eight bronze panels to scenes from the life of John the Baptist, many of which replicate the mosaic images that appear on the ceiling inside the building that were produced some thirty years earlier. These panels, that should be read from top to bottom and from left to right, frame John the Baptist as a prophet and martyr. The left wing’s panels all refer to the public life of John the Baptist and his preaching, while the right wing depicts his martyrdom. The bronze panels are essential to understanding the door as religious and civic imagery. The intersections of the panels also include lion heads, which symbolize the lines of David and Judah, and are supported by eight panels at the base that represent allegorical references to the Cardinal and Theological Virtues (fortitude, temperance, faith, and prudence united with faith, hope, charity, and humility). The Virgin Mary, namesake of the new cathedral that was then in mid-construction, traced her lineage through to the house of David, who in turn was used by Florentines as a symbol of their city. The virtues, labeled in Latin, referred to the qualities Florentines expected their civic leaders to embrace and embody while governing them and their city. The baptistery was a sacred space, a social space, and a civic space all rolled into one, with the figure of John the Baptist, patron saint of Florence, as the link that connected these three elements together. By Margaret (Meg) Anne Coughlan Bibliography: Bent, George R. Public Painting and Visual Culture in Early Republican Florence. Cambridge: 2016. 250, 255, and 257. Brucker, Gene A. Florence, the Golden Age, 1138-1737. New York: 2007. 88. Mark 6:14-29. Matthew 14:1-12. Paolucci, Antonio. The Origins of Renaissance Art: The Baptistery Doors, Florence. trans. Françoise Pouncey Chiarini. New York: 1996. 27, 30, and 55. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ Page: https://3d.wlu.edu/v21/pages/Baptistery/Baptistery.html Location of Annotation: -43.25, 171.93, -29.72 Camera Location: -31.587, 171.810, -30.805 Camera Looks Towards: -65.000, 163.931, -27.448 Annotation block name: John the Baptist: A Hagiography Annotation Details:
John the Baptist was born to Zachariah and Elizabeth, and the miraculous circumstances surrounding his birth continued throughout his lifetime, providing a hagiography that explains his revered status as a saint. Zachariah was a priest and his elderly wife Elizabeth, the cousin of a teenaged girl named Mary, was well past childbearing age. When the angel Gabriel came to tell Zachariah that his wife would bear a son, Zechariah doubted him and thus was struck dumb by the angel until his son was born. When the child was born, he was circumcised and named John by the mute Zachariah, who scratched the name on a tablet. John spent his life as an ascetic, preaching and baptizing his followers, among whom was his second cousin Jesus; he reputedly wore a shirt of camel hair and scavenged off the land, eating little more than locusts and honey. Christ’s first appearance in the Gospels as an adult revolves around his meeting with John at the River Jordan after wandering alone in the desert. While baptizing his adherents, John sees the Dove of the Holy Spirit floating above the head of Jesus as he emerges from the wilderness and announces, “Behold – the Lamb of God” (Ecce Agnus Dei), signifying both John’s recognition that Christ is the chosen one and the ultimate sacrifice he is destined to make. John then baptizes Jesus in the river, purifying Christ in preparation for his ministry. John’s demise occurred at the same time as Christ’s. The Baptist was imprisoned by the Jewish king Herod, who objected to John’s condemnation of him for marrying Herodias, the widow of Herod’s brother. Because of Herod’s reluctance to execute the popular prophet, Herodias conspired with her daughter, Salome, to force his hand. At a special banquet at court, Salome volunteered to perform a special dance on the condition that Herod compensate her with anything she demanded. Upon completion of the dance, Salome asked for the head of John the Baptist on a platter. Herod regretted his promise, but as he was a king before important guests, he could not take his words back, and ordered the execution of John the Baptist. The severed head was presented to Salome and Herodias at the banquet, to the horror of everyone at the table. According to the Bible, the body was then buried, and the news was relayed to the still-living Christ. The Golden Legend differs significantly from this point: Julian the Apostate supposedly took the bones of John the Baptist and burned them before throwing the ashes to the wind over the fields. However, the finger that pointed to Christ before his baptism failed to burn and was salvaged by his followers. One legend holds that the right index finger of John was brought to Normandy and preserved as a relic in a church specially constructed for it. An alternative myth specified that the finger was kept in Byzantium and ultimately sold to Pope John XXIII, who deposited the relic in the Florentine monastery of S. Maria degli Angeli in 1413. As for the head of John the Baptist, Herodias buried it in Herod's palace as he feared that the prophet would live again if his head remained with his body. However, the location of the head was revealed to two monks in a vision and they retrieved and restored the relic to the Church. Emperor Theodosius then brought the head to Constantinople to a church that was prepared for it at the end of the fourth century. By Margaret (Meg) Anne Coughlan Bibliography: de Voragine, Jacobus. The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints Vol 1. Trans. William Granger Ryan. New Jersey: 1993. 329-330. de Voragine, Jacobus. The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints Vol 2. Trans. William Granger Ryan. New Jersey: 1993. 132-33, 135, and 137-39. Matthew 3:1-17 and 4:1-12. Luke 1:5-80 and 3:2-16. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ Page: https://3d.wlu.edu/v21/pages/Baptistery/Baptistery.html Location of Annotation: -39.86, 163.25, -28.21 Camera Location: -34.771, 173.731, -29.621 Camera Looks Towards: -59.915, 161.295, -30.165 Annotation block name: John the Baptist and Florence: The Civic and Economic Ties Annotation Details:
John the Baptist, cousin of Christ, was chosen as the patron saint of Florence, and he was soon engrained in essential elements of the fabric of the city. The ancient city had venerated Mars, the god of war, as its protector, but after the vast conversions to Christianity in the fourth century, Florentines turned to Saint Zenobius, its first bishop, and Saint Reparata, virgin saint, as its patrons. Only during the thirteenth century did the city adopt John the Baptist as patron saint, and this was probably because both Zenobius and Reparata were associated with the former feudal lords of the city. John the Baptist gave Florence, a new republic in 1282, a fresh start with a new patron saint. There were multiple reasons for his selection as patron saint. As the second cousin of Jesus Christ, John represented a direct link to the foundations of the faith. The Baptist already had a small cult in the city by 1282 and the eleventh-century Baptistery bore his name. He was also tied to Mars, which was appealing to Guelphs who wanted the city to expand its territorial claims through military might: John the Baptist offered legitimacy to the people of Florence, tying them to Mars, Rome, the republican government that presided over its Mediterranean expansion in antiquity. This connection to the past, to Rome, and to the Historical Jesus made John the Baptist an exceptional choice as patron saint of the new Florentines republic.  As time passed, Florentines attempted to define themselves with qualities traditionally associated with John the Baptist: courage, moral rectitude, and stalwart faith. Whether they actually succeeded in doing so is a matter of debate. John the Baptist was also connected to the economic prowess of Florence in symbolic ways. The Arte della Seta (the silk guild), adopted John as its patron saint, giving it the right to emblazon their products with his image. It has been argued that the tessellated pattern of the Baptistery’s flooring was intentionally used in the design of elegant silk garments made by the city’s silk merchants. Foreigners surely knew of John’s ties to Florence, as the florin – the prevailing currency of international exchange in early modern Europe - was struck with the image of the city’s lily on one side and the figure of John the Baptist on the other. As Florence's trade and international banking network expanded across the continent, the florin was visually associated with the city and its patron saint, connecting them all in a cycle of co-dependent familiarity. By Margaret (Meg) Anne Coughlan Bibliography: Brucker, Gene A. Florence, the Golden Age, 1138-1737. New York: 2007. 88 and 247. Chrétien, Heidi L. The Festival of San Giovanni: Imagery and Political Power in Renaissance Florence. New York: 1994. 1,15, 19-20, and 23-26. de Voragine, Jacobus. The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints Vol 1. Trans. William Granger Ryan. New Jersey: 1993. 330. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ Page: https://3d.wlu.edu/v21/pages/Baptistery/Baptistery.html Location of Annotation: -40.69, 164.19, -30.31 Camera Location: -29.385, 172.252, -30.392 Camera Looks Towards: -59.156, 163.860, -29.762 Annotation block name: The Feast Day of San Giovanni Annotation Details:
Daily life ground to a halt on July 24th as the citizens of Florence celebrated the life and death of John the Baptist, the city's patron saint. The festival began with the mostra, as the city, its guilds, and people dressed in their finest apparel, which reflected well on their private households and their professional guild associations but also demonstrated their reverence for John the Baptist. Toted by these well-appointed Florentines were a host of relics and holy orders, paraded through the city on floats led by a procession of flag bearers representing the sixteen gonfalone (neighborhoods) of Florence to the Baptistery of San Giovanni. This procession included members of individual patrician households who would make an offering at the Baptistery. This formal procession brought the different parts of the city together in a pan-Florentine celebration intended to diffuse any animosities between and among the guilds, neighborhoods, clergy, and government. The festival was closed by a horserace called a palio, with each gonfalone (banner) supporting a horse that represented the neighborhood, adding a healthy dose of competition to the day’s proceedings. This race began at the Ponte alle Mosse and ended at the Piazza San Pier Maggiore. It was a complicated route, with many curves through the city streets that annually resulted in several casualties. The winner was rewarded with a palio, a silk banner upon a pole, that the winning gonfalone celebrated with pride until the next year’s race. These large-scale spectacles were not the only entertainment at the festival, as many smaller events occurred simultaneously. Confraternities and guilds often performed or funded mini dramas for people to watch. Jousts were also popular, as well as a ball game called calcio, dating back to the Romans and Greeks, which tied the festival of San Giovanni to the city’s ancient roots. Bonfires, a remnant of the festival of Mars, were lit throughout the city with luminare, a decorative light display popular in Europe before the introduction of fireworks. Even the Piazza del Duomo was decorated with blue canopies adorned with silver stars. The Feast Day of San Giovanni carried with it symbolic importance for the residents of Florence, and sometimes it came to be the chosen moment for an expression of public dissent. The parade of 1343 included a procession of laborers who had recently splintered from the potent Wool Guild to form their own nascent trade organization. The appearance of these separatists so outraged the public that it led to the downfall of the sitting podestà, Walter of Brienne, the so-called Duke of Athen. In 1378, a coup d’état led by the Ricasoli, Castiglionchio, and Albizzi families culminated in the general uprising known as the Ciompi Revolt, which ousted the entire republican apparatus and briefly resulted in a government formed by lower class workers. The revolt was suppressed – its ideals appropriated by opportunists and its leaders ultimately overthrown by a counter-revolt led by the local aristocracy – but the memory of this class-based rebellion lived on in the collective memory of the city for decades. The importance of the Feast Day of San Giovanni, both literally and symbolically, cannot be exaggerated. By Margaret (Meg) Anne Coughlan Bibliography: Brucker, Gene A. Florentine Politics and Society 1343-1378, New Jersey: 1962. 363. Chrétien, Heidi L. The Festival of San Giovanni: Imagery and Political Power in Renaissance Florence New York: 1994. 5-6, 32-35, 37, 41, and 42-44. Hibbert, Christopher. Florence: The Biography of A City, New York: 1993. 127. Lucas-Dubreton, Jean. Daily Life in Florence In the Time of the Medici, Trans. A. Lytton Sells. New York: 1961. 135. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ Page: https://3d.wlu.edu/v21/pages/Baptistery/Baptistery.html Location of Annotation: -71.39, 156.02, -27.79 Camera Location: -84.041, 155.809, -31.939 Camera Looks Towards: -62.302, 162.167, -31.247 Annotation block name: The Doors of the Baptistry of San Giovanni: The North Door of Lorenzo Ghiberti Annotation Details:
Lorenzo Ghiberti constructed two of the Baptistery’s three doors, with the first being this North door depicting the life of Christ and important church fathers. The Arte del Calimala (the International Cloth Merchant’s Guild) commissioned Ghiberti in 1403 to compliment Andrea Pisano’s south door. These bronze reliefs, dedicated to scenes from the life of Christ and representations of the early Church Fathers and the Four Evangelists, mirror some of the scenes from the Baptistery’s ceiling, produced in mosaic one hundred years earlier. They were originally placed in the East doorway of the Baptistery facing the cathedral but were then moved to the North portal to make way for Ghiberti’s more elaborate and stylistically innovative Gates of Paradise that were installed in 1452.  Ghiberti’s program focuses on scenes from the Infancy and Passion of Christ. As with Andrea’s south doors, Ghiberti produced twenty-eight panels in quatrefoil frames with two rows of effigies at the bottom. These figures represent the early Church Fathers (Augustine, Ambrose, Gregory, and Jerome) and the Four Evangelists. Unlike Andrea’s program, which must be read from top to bottom, Ghiberti’s cycle of bronze panels must be read bottom to top, culminating in the Passion sequence at the top of the door, looming over the viewer. Ghiberti’s program focuses on the idea of Christ as savior and redeemer of mankind. The inclusion of Church Fathers and the Evangelists emphasizes this as the Evangelists recounted his acts and the Church Fathers elaborated upon doctrines of Christian orthodoxy, including Christ’s dual nature as both God and man. Forty-eight heads of prophets and prophetesses are at intersections of the bronze panels, reminding viewers of the promise of the Messiah and his sacrifice. This visual reminder of Christ and his sacrifice served to remind the viewer of the purpose of the Baptistery, which was at once to bring infants into both the covenant of Christ and the civic fold of Florence, creating a cohesive visual theme for the Baptistery of San Giovanni.  By Margaret (Meg) Anne Coughlan Bibliography: Bent, George R. Public Painting and Visual Culture in Early Republican Florence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. 255-56. Brucker, Gene A. Florence, the Golden Age, 1138-1737. New York: Abbeville Press, 2007. 88. Paolucci, Antonio. The Origins of Renaissance Art: The Baptistery Doors, Florence. Trans. Françoise Pouncey Chiarini. New York: George Brazier, 1996. 75. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ Page: https://3d.wlu.edu/v21/pages/Baptistery/Baptistery.html Location of Annotation: -50.026, 174.685, -28.162 Camera Location: -54.356, 168.443, -28.481 Camera Looks Towards: -51.065, 174.496, -29.793 Annotation block name: Tomb of Baldassare Cossa (or Coscia), Pope John XXIII (1426-1428) Annotation Details:
Donatello and Michelozzo began work on the tomb for the deposed Pope John XXIII, who had previously gone by the name of Baldassare Cossa or Coscia, sometime in 1425 or 1426. Cossa was a Neapolitan nobleman who, in 1410, had been elected one of three sitting popes during the Great Schism of the early fifteenth century. His reign ended in 1415 when the Council of Constance met to rescind the claims of all three competing pontiffs and elect a single, new authority that achieved general consensus. Cossa wound up in Florence, largely due to Medicean connections, where he died unexpectedly in 1419 at the age of 60. After some negotiations, the Arte della Calimala initiated the lengthy project to create a tomb suitable for the only pope buried in Florence. The bronze and marble sculpture of Cossa was completed in the spring of 1428 and marks the only sepulcher in the church of S. Giovanni, the Baptistery of Florence. Problematically, Cossa, a foreigner, had died without a designated burial chapel or tomb. His bequest to the Baptistery of his most prized possession – the relic of St. John the Baptist’s index finger – suggests his intent to be buried in S. Giovanni. At first the executors of his will, who included Giovanni de’Medici and Niccolò da Uzzano, wished to build a chapel in the octagonal building, but in 1421 Palla Strozzi and other Cloth Guild officers dismissed the proposal, opting instead for a less conspicuous monument. The first piece of this monument – a beautiful marble tomb slab – was installed in 1424 to mark the spot, and on it was etched the inscription, JOANNES QVONDAM PAPA XXIIIus. OBIIT FLORENTIE ANNO DOMINI MCCCCXVIIII XI KALENDAS IANVARII (“Here lies John XXIII, who was pope, and who died in Florence on the eleventh Kalend of January, 1419”). This seemingly benign epitaph allegedly rubbed the sitting pope the wrong way, for Martin V, the man who had overseen John’s deposition, interpreted its message to suggest that his predecessor had never actually relinquished his post, in turn suggesting that it was illegally taken from him. Martin seems to have felt threatened by its implications, even to the point of worrying about whether the powerful Florentines would accept his own claim to the seat of St. Peter. Martin demanded that this inscription be altered to clarify Cossa’s title as “Cardinal,” but his appeal was rejected by the Florentines with little debate. There was for some time a debate over who or what corporate body commissioned the bronze effigy of Baldassare Cossa from Donatello and Michelozzo after the former pope’s death in 1419. The Signoria had designated the Baptistery as his final resting place, and the absence of any other tombs in S. Giovanni suggests that, in so doing, the government also took on the responsibility of paying for the tomb. Alternatively, Cossa’s nephews – who had received an abundant inheritance from their papal uncle – could have funded the marble sepulcher and its bronze effigy. However, copies of now-lost records from the Arte della Calimala confirm their role as patrons of the tomb, which seems to have cost them somewhere between 800 and 1000 florins. Donatello had entered into a partnership with the goldsmith and future architect Michelozzo in 1425, and the two of them combined their skills to complete a number of projects over a ten-year period. Michelozzo’s tax declaration of 1427 specifies that the two were still working on the Cossa tomb project that summer, and that 600 of the 800 florins due to them had already been deposited into their accounts by the executors of Cossa’s estate. Michelozzo, however, could not say with confidence when the monument would be finished; in fact, it would take another year for the team to complete their work. In June 1428, the tomb was finally installed. Despite their partnership, Donatello received most accolades. The brilliant tomb emerges from its wall niche, glowing from the sheen of the unusual combination of the two materials. The marble and bronze ensemble is framed by two massive columns that form its borders on either side. At the base appear the three Theological Virtues of Faith, Hope, and Charity, each one carved in stone and occupying a classicizing niche articulated by fluted pilasters topped with Corinthian capitals and scallop shell arches behind them. Cossa’s coats of arms – including the papal shield of the Shield of St. Peter – separate the virtues from the actual tomb above, upon which one still sees the epitaph that so annoyed Martin V in 1424. Above the tomb appears the bronze figure of John XXIII, with his head adorned with a Bishop’s miter and resting on a pillow. Cossa, covered in a billowing robe that replicates the folds of magnificent draperies for which the International Cloth Merchants’ Guild was so famous, lays across a bed adorned with lion’s legs (an allusion, one believes, to the Throne of Wisdom occupied by King Solomon in the Old Testament). Above him hangs an ornate marble canopy, tinted with bronze fringes, that reveals the Virgin Mary holding either an image of the Christ Child, Cossa’s soul (in the form of a miniature adult), or a reference to both. There was no other sepulcher like it in Florence, or anywhere else in Italy: it is truly a tomb fit for a King – or, rather, in this case, a Pope. Donatello’s naturalistic rendering of fabrics, figures, architectural motifs, and Cossa’s face marks a transitional moment in European tomb monument history. The fabric dangling from the baldacchino folds voluptuously and billows out from where it has been bunched together, additionally serving as a distinct symbol of John’s title and position, for all pontifical processions included a canopy that was held over the pope’s head as he was carted through the streets. Architectural elements only recently employed by Filippo Brunelleschi] in the Old Sacristy of S. Lorezno and employed by Donatello in his magnificent sculpture of S. Louis of Toulouse in the niche of Orsanmichele maintained by the Parte Guelfa bring into this essential space a modern taste that emphasizes the very latest trends in the visual arts. But most importantly, Baldassare Cossa’s facial features seem to be as lifelike a portrait as had been sculpted since the days of the ancient Roman Republic, with meticulous attention paid to the overall facial proportions and details of skin, whiskers, and brows. Perhaps Donatello lavished careful attention to Cossa’s features knowing that viewers would consider them in their fullest capacities, such as the tilt of Cossa’s head down and to the right, towards the middle of the Baptistery where the audience would stand and inspect Donatello’s work. The tomb effigy of Baldassare Cossa, the former Pope John XXIII, was not Donatello’s first public commission, nor would it be his last; yet its naturalistic likeness to one of Europe’s most important figures makes it one of Donatello’s best, although oddly underappreciated, bronze sculptures in Florence. By George Bent Bibliography: Lightbown, R.W. Donatello and Michelozzo: An Artistic Partnership and its Patrons in the Early Renaissance, vol.2 (London: Phaidon, 1980). \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\